Wednesday, October 30, 2019

Contemporary International Relations Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3750 words

Contemporary International Relations - Essay Example It is then an attempt to the resolution of such disputes, the experts and philosophers presented different possible theories that can explain the said case. The most prevalent of such theories are the theory of the clash of civilization and the theory of the clash of fundamentalism. These theories pointed out the possible reasons for the conflicts that had been occulting in relation to the contemporary International Relations. Upon the determination of the said theories, it can be considered that the problems, conflicts and disputes that are being faced by the international community can be resolved. To be able to determine the feasibility of the two theories, it is important to determine the issues that are covered by the two theories. Upon determination of the background information regarding the said concepts, a comparative analysis can be undertaken. There are different views that can be related to the Clash of Civilization. The most common and dominant of which are the views of Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis. Generally, the theory of the Clash of Civilization is aimed to explain and analyse the different conflicts that can be observed in the contemporary era specifically in the international community and the relationship among nations. Samuel Huntington presented the Clash of Civilization as a view on the International Relatio... Specifically there factors are considered as the main reasons for conflict in the international community according to the theory of Huntington which is founded on the different events and scenarios in the political and economic world. In addition, the said theory is a presentation in relation to the work of Francis Fukuyama's work (Huntington 1). On the basis of his view then, differences can arise on the basis of cultural backgrounds. The differences and the individuality along with other sources of differences that can be related to the culture and traditions of the people can considered covered even the different philosophies, language, history and religion. In general, he referred to civilizations as the highest form of the said grouping. The civilizations divide the world into different groups. The Western civilization though is one of the most evident, thus, in terms of the view with regards to conflict, the nations that are included in the West are commonly included and often seeking allies from different regions (Huntington 1). Such view then can explain the division of the contemporary era, the west and the eastern civilization. Although there are other civilizations, the clash in the present era commonly involves the Western civilization and the area wherein the Muslim religion had originated. This can be related to the other theory which is the Clash of Fundamentalism. Bernard Lewis' View The view of presented by Bernard Lewis can be considered as the earlier one, basically due to the fact that the term can be traced from the study that he had undertaken and presented that was entitled The Roots of

Monday, October 28, 2019

An Elephant Vanishes Essay Example for Free

An Elephant Vanishes Essay Explain the role of the kitchen in â€Å"Like Water For Chocolate† by Laura Esquivel and â€Å"The Elephant Vanishes† by Murakami. In Like Water for Chocolate by Laura Esquivel, food and the kitchen is a means of expressing a range of human emotions. Like Water for Chocolate opens with its most important central setting, the kitchen. Onion-induced weeping quite literally sweeps the protagonist, Tita, into the world, as she is born in the kitchen, crying, amidst of flood of her mothers tears. Her mother, Mama Elena, is unable to produce milk (due to shock at the recent death of her husband) and Mama Elena gives Tita almost immediately to the house cook, Nacha, who rears the child in the kitchen. Surrounded by the colours, smells, and routines of Nachas kitchen, Tita grows up understanding the world in terms of food. She enjoys her isolation in the domain of the kitchen. â€Å"Thanks to her unusual birth, Tita felt a deep love for the kitchen where she spent most of her life from the day she was born† page 10, paragraph two. The story of Titas entry into the world marks the first fantastical image of Like Water for Chocolate, initiating the reader into the novels magical realism and illustrating the intensity and improbability that characterise the events of the story. The image of Tita flowing into the world in a flood of tears prefigures the sadness and longing that will pervade her life. After Titas birth, the flood of tears dries to leave ten pounds of salt to be collected and used for cooking. The practical attitude with which the characters greet this surreal happening helps to establish the supernatural as an accepted part of the characters lives. â€Å"Nacha swept aside the residue the tears had left on the red stone floor, There was enough salt to fill a ten-pound-sack- it was used for cooking and lasted a long time† page 10, paragraph two. Outside the kitchen, Tita follows the demanding regime that Mama Elena sets for her daughters. Life is full of cooking, cleaning, sewing, and prayer. This routine is interrupted one day by Titas timid announcement that a suitor, Pedro Muzquiz, would like to pay her a visit. Mama Elena greets this announcement with indignation, invoking the De La Garza family tradition that the youngest daughter is to remain unmarried so that she can care for the matriarch in the matriarchs old age. Tita is dismayed by this rigid tradition. Outwardly, she submits to Mama Elenas wishes, but privately she questions the family tradition and maintains her feelings for Pedro. â€Å" you don’t have an opinion Tita and thats all I want to hear about it. For generations, not a single in my family has ever questioned this tradition and no daughter of mine is going to be the one to start† page 15, paragraph 3 This cold hearted appraoch to Titas yearning for marriage is what makes Tita retreat into the safe realm of the ktichen, I think the reason why magic realism was applied to food is because of how universal it is. Whereas music and art only apply to some of us, food is in all of our lives. Since magic realism is all about mixing the magic with what’s real, food is the ideal choice. We’ve all heard of metaphors exaggerating the taste of food, but Laura Esquivel’s descriptions of the effects of food are much more elaborate. It’s so descriptive that sometimes we doubt our ideals of what’s real by reading the effects of the recipes. By using food as the medium the author was able to smoothly meld together the magical and real aspects of each chapter. Her isolated childhood in the kitchen gives Tita an outlook on life different from that of her sisters, Gertrudis and Rosaura, and she comes to develop different ideals for herself as she matures. As a young woman, Tita rebels against the family tradition that confines her to a life without love. Her insistent questioning (even though she does not petition Mama Elena directly) of her lot in life can be identified as one of the feminist impulses in the novel. This refusal to accept an assigned and undesirable social role marks the beginning of Titas path to self-assertion and freedom. Her love for the kitchen and cooking is a rebelious action against her mother, her realm of the kitchen is the only thing that her mother can not control or do, the kitchen is what keeps her sane from the depressing sitution on the other side of the door. it wasn’t easy for a person whose knowledge of life was based on the kitchen to comprehend the outside world. That world was an endless expanse that began atthe door between the kitchen and the rest of the house, whereas everything on the kitchen side of that door, on through the door leading to the patio and the kitchen and herb gardens was completely hers-it was Tita’s realm. † This quotes proves my point above, the kitchen door acts as a safe guard to the oppressive realm of her mother’s. In an Elephant vanishes one of the major themes of the story is the idea of things being out of balance. This theme is introduced when the narrator tells the editor about the importance of unity in kitchen design, as he states, Even the most beautifully designed item dies if it is out of balance with its surroundings. The narrator later emphasizes the importance of balance between a creature and its environment when he talks about witnessing the change in the elephants size in relation to the keepers size. He states that the balance in size between the two has become more equal, because the elephant has shrunk or the keeper has gotten bigger, or both. Following the disappearance of the elephant and the keeper, the narrator again expresses the idea that things around me have lost their proper balance. He is no longer able to take action on his own behalf, as he is haunted by this sense that the urban world is out of balance, and he feels that a kind of natural balance has broken down inside him. The imbalance between Tita’s kitchen and outside the kitchen can relate to the elephant vanishes. Tita fells safe in the kitchen and at peace with the â€Å"old† kitchen keeps her in balance. Related to the theme of imbalance is the difference between appearances and reality. The narrator points out that the article covering the story of the elephants disappearance is strange, because the reporter tries so hard to maintain that the elephant escaped, when the facts indicate that the elephant had to have almost magically vanished. The characters in the story try to maintain an appearance of normality in the face of an event that defies logic, leading to pointless acts that do not address the nature of the situation. The discrepancy between reality and appearances also arises in the narrators job as he basically just goes through the motions, trying to maintain a professional, pragmatic approach although he does not personally believe that a kitchen has to have unity or any of the other maxims his company invokes to sell its products. The narrator finds that he cannot reconcile the differences between appearances and reality, and as he questions his own perceptions, he experiences a sense of disorientation and confusion. Throughout the story, Murakami subtly reveals how the vanishing of the old ways leaves people feeling disoriented and how the new ways of being create a sense of disconnection and unease. This can be said about Mama in â€Å" Like water for chocolate† as she is does not like the idea of Tita marrying . She is scared of modern society perhaps, and is insecure about her future. Mamas death The narrator, for example, performs his job as a public relations executive successfully by espousing the commercial viewpoint that things you cant sell dont count for much. Because in truth he does not necessarily believe this statement, saying it and operating from this pragmatic mode seem to confound the narrator, confusing him about his purpose in life. Like other Murakami characters, he is also a loner, a single person, living alone with no apparent ties to family or friends also this can be said to Mama Elena, she has distanced herself from her loved ones through the death of her grand c hild and of the cruelty committed to Tita . The narrator watches the elephant and the keeper and marvels at their closeness, their special bond. In the wake of the elephants disappearance, the narrator feels despondent, more isolated and alone than ever. As is Tita at the end of the novel after Pedro dies. â€Å" Now it would never again be possible to see that light, because she could no longer feel anything. She would but wander through the shadows for eternity, alone, all alone. †

Saturday, October 26, 2019

Letter Correspondance Between Denver From Beloved And Tayo From Ceremo :: essays research papers

Letters   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I have decided to write letters of correspondence between Tayo and Denver. These letters will entail the relationships they have with their family lives and other aspects of the characters. There is of course the problem of timelines and that these two characters are apart in their setting about a hundred or so years. Not to mention that Tayo is half white and half American Indian and Denver is an African American whose mother was a slave. Letter #1 Dear Denver,   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  You don’t know who I am, but I got your address from a friend of mine. He tells me that you have a difficult relationship with your parents as well. I have never met my father and my mother died when I was very young. I know this is a very hard topic to talk about, but as I hear, you have a very difficult family life as well. You don’t have to write me back, but I think that people like you and I should stick together and maybe help one another out.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I have been through a lot lately, and I don’t really know where to go. I am an American Indian and I have been seeking the help of wise men for a very long time trying to find a cure. You see, after my adopted brother died, I have been very sick. I don’t know if you are also facing the same bodily ailments, but I truly hope you are coping better with your situation.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Tell me about your family life. Do you have a father? What exactly is bothering you so much that you told my friend about it? What are their backgrounds and what do you have a problem with? Do you also have medicine men in your village that cure people with herbs when they get sick? I have been on this one herb for a while now, but I still keep throwing up when I remember my brother dieing. I lay in bed most of the time, and when I feel well enough to stand, I can only walk around the house. I feel as thought my adopted mother hates me because I am half white and my grandmother is the only one who really makes me feel halfway decent when I want to kill myself. Do you have any siblings that make you feel better when you’re down or anyone who you can talk to about your problems?

Thursday, October 24, 2019

English Personal Recount Essay

One of my most recent memories is the authentic experience at the mall with three of my friends, Eunice, Wing Kit and Cheng Ye. We went there to buy a gift for Cheng Ye’s cousin, Claire, from abroad, whom he has not met in a long time. She is aged 14 years old, her favourite foods are ice- cream and sushi, and her hobbies are sleeping, swimming, cycling, running, and listening to music. She is also more of a sporty and hardworking person. She likes playing on her phone, the colour PINK, using social media such as whatsapp, facebook to socialize. She dislikes computer games and the colour blue. Cheng Ye has not seen Claire in quite a while, and Claire has not visited Singapore in ages, we have decided to get Claire a gift to welcome her. Thus we decided to go to Tampines Mall as there is a wide variety of shops there. Our budget is $50. When we reached Tampines mall, it was very packed with shoppers, were lugging huge shopping bags. The mall was filled with the noisy sound of people chattering and laughing. It was so noisy that I had to shout and strain my voice to talk to Eunice, who was just right beside me. Salespersons were announcing the various offers they were having. The smell of curry chicken entered my nostrils as I while gazed at the patrons savouring the mouth-watering curry chicken, causing my mouth to drool as we walked past the restaurant. Finally, after browsing through many electronic stores, we decided upon an pink shiny earpiece from Courts that costs $20. We chose the product based on her preferences as she liked pink and shiny objects and also because it had a reasonable price and was within our budget. After buying the earpiece, we were left with $30. Thus we decided to get her another gift based on her hobby of sports. We wanted it to be within our  budget of $30, the colour pink and it to be useful and long-lasting. Eventually, we headed down to the ‘ Royal Sporting House’ and chose a pair of pink as it would be useful to her as swimming was her favourite hobby which she did pretty often. Thus, she would be able to use it often as well. In conclusion, this experience of going to Tampines Mall on 29 March 2014, was a wonderful experience.We had a lot of considerations at first, such as her personality,likes & dislikes, the budget for the gift and what gift would she really wanted. However, all of us worked together, communicated effectively and overcame the challenges. So, eventually we decided on the gift. I also think that this experience was an educational and enriching one, as we learnt how to decide on things in a group without having any conflicts and how to take things into considerations before making a final decision. In conclusion to this, this experience was a fun, educational and enriching experience.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Is Troy Maxson a “Tragic Hero?”

A tragic hero is a character who used to do good deeds in the light of others but allows for his flaws or inner struggles to overcome him. As a result, this downfall leads to the character’s death. In the case of Troy Maxson, main character from the play â€Å"Fences† by August Wilson, it is clear that he constantly struggles to keep up with good deeds for his family, but unfortunately allowed his inner flaws to lead him to his lonely and tragic death. Therefore, Troy Maxson is indeed considered a tragic hero and there are pieces of evidence throughout the aforementioned play that further proves my point. Troy Maxson is a man with two sons by the name of Cory and Lyons Maxson. He had Lyons before he went to jail with one woman and had Cory after jail with Rose Maxson; his current wife. His character is made up of both positive and negative attributes. He can be described as controlling because he has all the authority during the beginning of the story when Cory brings up an opportunity in getting into college football. When this idea is brought onto Troy’s table, his immediate response was to say no. The reason for this action was clear. He was protecting his son from having high hopes because he believed the color barrier was not broken. Although he said no to Cory’s opportunity, he was being a hero in his own way. Troy Maxson was known to be the breadwinner of the family. He provided for his wife and his son which is why he was respected. His characteristics were that of a powerful man. Rose asks Troy â€Å"what you all out here getting into? † And he responds â€Å"what you worried about what we getting into for? This is men talk, woman† (1. 1. 41-1. 1. 42). This quote gives an example of his strong masculinity characteristics. He struggled a lot when he was younger living with his father. His father did not provide for the family materialistically or emotionally. Growing up to this horrible lifestyle, Troy was either going to learn, grow, and live by example, or completely live his own life. He decided to live by example and do the opposite of what his father did. Although there were a couple of mistakes he made, he made sure he did not make the same mistake his dad made which was not providing for the family. Rose was Troy’s wife who respected him as a husband and made him and her children dinner every night. According to what he says, he truly loves his wife; â€Å"I love this woman. I love this woman so much it hurts. I love her so much†¦ I done run out of ways of loving her† (1. 1. 173). This quote allows the reader to realize that the Maxson family does have a foundation of love. Cory and Lyons also admired their father because in their eyes he was an excellent father figure. Bono was Troy’s best friend whom he met at a correction center and has known him for 30 years. Troy was a role model to Bono and he admired Troy's leadership and responsibility at work. After understanding the protagonist’s heroic side, it is necessary to understand that he also had a tragic downfall and that he has certain weaknesses. Troy made sure to provide for his family materialistically, but unfortunately did not expose too much of his love to his children. He was able to reluctantly give Lyons ten dollars a week but that was not enough to help him make a living. Lyons states â€Å"I just stay with my music because that's the only way I can find to live in the world† (1. 1. 153). His dream is to be a musician. But maybe he needed more than ten dollars a week to conquer his dream? Maybe he needed some father to son affection? Maybe being separated from his dad at such an early age affected him emotionally? He did not care for him so this in turn helped Lyons become more independent. Regardless of the lack of emotional support from Troy, he continues aspiring to reach his goal. Troy can also be considered a hero because he allows Lyons to be an independent man. Troy was known to be jealous of Cory because he got the opportunity to play a sport without discrimination against his race. Cory expressed his feelings to his dad in this quote: â€Å"Papa done went up to the school and told Coach Zellman I can't play football no more. †¦ Told him to tell the recruiter not to come†¦. Just cause you didn't have a chance! You just scared I'm gonna be better than you, that's all. † (1. 4. 158-1. 4. 166) Cory is clearly stressing the fact that his father said no and blames it on his jealousy, but what he does not realize is that his father is also trying to protect him from discrimination. The reason why Troy has this mentality is because he grew loving sports, just like his son, during the time of the Negro Leagues. He was discriminated against and he thinks that that is what Cory would go through. He might have been jealous, but he also played a heroic figure by protecting his son. Towards the end of the play Troy seems to be continuing his path down â€Å"tragic lane†. He betrays his wife by cheating on her with another woman, Alberta, and impregnating her. Alberta has her daughter but dies in the act of giving birth. Troy is left with no choice but to care for his daughter. Rose cuts it off with Troy, but not completely because they still live under the same roof. She is more independent now and leaves the house when she pleases. Troy’s relationship with Bono, Cory and Rose changed immensely. He has lost his respect and it will be very challenging for him to redeem it. Bono has made new friends and stops by Troy’s house once in a while. They talk about their hopes for their future and about their wives. They no longer work in the same industry so after work Troy has no one to talk to. Cory and his father are not in good shape either. The scene where Troy sits in his backyard after pay day to drink his gin and sing is when he picks a dramatic fight with his son. Cory refuses to say â€Å"excuse me† when passing by his father so Troy gets offended and tries to assert his role as a father by insisting that Cory leave his house and provide for himself since he lost his respect as the man of the house. He goes on by saying â€Å"You just another nigger on the street to me! † (2. 4. ). He also stresses to his son that he provided for him but Cory does not take that into consideration because to him that was all materialistic. He gave little loving care which ultimately made him fear his own father. Although Troy kicked his son out of his house, the fact that there was a physical blockade during their fight, it proves that it was immature on Troy’s part yet mature on Cory’s because of the way he went about the situation. Cory scolded his father for all his wrong doings and betrayals to the family. He challenges him to a physical fight, in his case involving a bat, just like Troy did to his father. Troy is a hero in the sense that he pushed Cory into manhood. Troy is alone. He is lonely. His life is not the same anymore. He tried his best by providing for his family and by showing his new daughter his better side of him. When Troy died caused by a heart attack, he left his legend as a hero behind. He supported Lyons with money each week; he provided his love to Rose; his friendship and leadership to Bono; and finally his protection and help for Cory’s future. Unfortunately, he allowed for his personal demon or flaw to â€Å"get the best of him† which led him to his death, but did good deeds in the lights of others giving Troy Maxson the title of a Tragic Hero.

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

Hathorne and Danforth Essay Example

Hathorne and Danforth Essay Example Hathorne and Danforth Paper Hathorne and Danforth Paper who is shortly followed by Susanna Walcotts allege of freezing too. And later on in the scene when Abigail claims to see Mary Warrens spirit in the form of a bird in the ceiling, instantly Mercy Lewis shouts Its on the beam! Susanna Walcott follows again by saying Her claws, shes stretching her claws! Miller uses Abigails power of leadership she has over her peers to not only show hr power to lead and bully, but also to illustrate the effect of hysteria in such a small community. This is shown again to the audience, when in Act One, Miller presents Abigail to start reeling off the accusations of witchery in Salem. I want to open myself Abigail claims to Hale. Betty later follows with the accusations: I saw George Jacobs with the Devil! I saw Goody Howe with the Devil! these accusations continue until Miller lets the curtain fall at the end of the act.

Monday, October 21, 2019

Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Example

Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Example Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 www. elsevier. com/locate/postcomstud The rise of the Russian business elite Olga Kryshtanovskaya a, Stephen White b,* a Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia b Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Available online 24 August 2005 Abstract The early 1990s saw the formation of a new group of Russian property owners, often derivative of the late Soviet nomenklatura. The richest and most in? uential were known as oligarchs, and they established a dominant position in the later years of the Yeltsin presidency. Only 15% of the 1993 business elite still retained their position by 2001, after the 1998 devaluation of the currency. Those who took their place were younger, less metropolitan, better educated and more likely to have a background in government, including many who had enjoyed ministerial status. The new business elite is less personally ambitious, but its political in? uence is no less considerable and its representation in decision-making bodies has more than doubled over the post-communist period. The logic of development is towards a concentration of economic power in the hands of 20e25 large conglomerates in a politically subordinate association with government, along South Korean lines. O 2005 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California. Keywords: Business; Elite; Oligarchy; Russia Introduction The Soviet system allowed di? erences of income and private accumulations of wealth. But it did not permit the private ownership of factories and farms, or even of * Corresponding author. Tel. : C44 141 330 5352; fax: C44 141 330 5071. E-mail address: s. [emailprotected] gla. ac. uk (S. White). 967-067X/$ see front matter O 2005 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California. doi:10. 1016/j. postcomstud. 2005. 06. 002 294 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 small businesses; living o? the labour of others was ‘exploitation’, and a criminal o? ence . These restrictions were being relaxed even before the end of communist rule, and a central feature of the policies that were followed under Boris Yeltsin after his election as Russia’s ? rst president in the summer of 1991 was the shift of productive resources from the state to private individuals. We must’, Yeltsin insisted, ‘provide economic freedom, lift all barriers to the freedom of enterprises and of entrepreneurship and give people the opportunity to work and to receive as much as they can, casting o? all bureaucratic constraints’ (Yeltsin, 1992: p. 6). In line with these policies, successive programmes of privatisation transferred state property into private hands; income di? erentials widened rapidly; and at the top, a new group of super-rich emerged, whose assets commanded respect not just within Russia itself but internationally. They became known as the ‘oligarchs’, with resources that typically combined banking, sections of industry and the mass media. 1 There were 15 of these wealthy magnates, and every Russian knew their names: Rem Vyakhirev, Boris Berezovsky, Vladimir Gusinsky, Vagit Alekperov, Vladimir Potanin, Mikhail Fridman, Mikhail Khodorkovsky and others. For 3 years, from 1995 to 1998, their power and their ratings rose steadily. Within government itself they had their ‘own’ ministers, o? cials and deputies. Berezovsky claimed personally to have secured the re-election of Boris Yeltsin in 1996 through the media campaign he had sponsored (Financial Times 1 November 1996: p. 17). He was known to be a member of the ‘Family’, the inner group around Yeltsin’s younger daughter who appeared to exercise decisive in? uence in the presidential court. Indeed it began to appear as if the state itself had been ‘privatised’, and that all important decisions were being taken by a small group of ? nancial magnates. It was certainly true that many of the country’s key positions were occupied by creatures of the major corporations, and that Duma parties were ? ling their foreign accounts by pushing through the kind of agreements the oil barons found most advantageous; some even did well out of the Chechen war. Who, asked analysts, really ruled the countrydpoliticians or businessmen? The crisis of August 1998, when Russia defaulted on its international debts and the rouble was in e? ect devalued, had profound e? ects throughout Russian public life, and no less upon its social structure. Some of the oligarchs were ruined (including Vladimir Vinogradov of Inkombank and Alexander Smolensky of SBSAgro); a few withdrew from public life, and others sought refuge abroad. Equally, There is already a considerable literature. In English, see for instance Khlebnikov (2000), Silverman and Yanowitch (2000), Rutland (2001), Ho? man (2002), and de Vries et al. (2004). In Russian, see Kukolev (1995a, b, 1996), Kryshtanovskaya (1996, 2002a, b) (on which we have drawn), Pappe (2000), and Mukhin (2001, 2004). The research that is reported in this paper was assisted by the Economic and Social Research Council under grant R000220127 in association with the Ministry of Defence under grant JGC902. Research on Russian business leaders has been conducted in the Elites Department of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the basis of a consistent methodology since 1993. In each case, an expert survey is used to identify a number of named members of the business elite (in 1993 there were 115 such names, and in 2001 there were 119); in a second stage, the biographies of these entrepreneurs are subjected to a more detailed analysis on the basis of interview as well as published data. 1 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 295 here were changes in the relationship between government and the business elite, particularly after the election of Vladimir Putin as president in March 2000, as the regime began to pursue a policy of ‘equal distancing’ towards them. Putin, indeed, had promised that any ‘power-hungry’ oligarchs would ‘cease to exist as a class’ (Segodnya 20 March 20 00: p. 1). But what did this mean? The beginning of a struggle by the state with the oligarchy as a whole, or just with individual oligarchs? And did this mean that private business was beginning to play a smaller role in Russian politics, or, on the contrary, that its power had increased? In what follows we look ? rst at the emergence of the business elite, and then at the structural changes that have followed the collapse of the currency. We argue that over the whole period there has been a renegotiation, but not a dissolution, of the interpenetration of business and government that de? nes an oligarchy. Identifying the business elite We de? ne the business elite as the top echelon of entrepreneurs, who thanks to their ? nancial and economic resources have a signi? cant in? uence on the taking of decisions of national importance. The business elite, for our purposes, are a much more restricted group than the country’s major businessmen, including the largest shareholders (and sometimes top managers) of the leading enterprises and banks. The owners of some Russian corporations prefer to keep their distance from politics, although the scale of their business may be very substantial. And there are others for whom politics may be their main activity. Corporations of the ? rst kind can have considerable in? uence on the national economy; corporations of the second type have more in? uence on political decision-makers, and their role in the economy itself may not be signi? ant. In other words, the possession of substantial capital is a necessary but not su? cient criterion for membership of the business elite. 2 At a certain stage in the Russian reforms the business elite could have been regarded as a part of the ruling group of the society, a result not just of the resources they controlled and their degree of in? uence, but also of their origins. The ‘Komsomol economy’ in which the current business elite originated was a creation of the Soviet nomenklatura, which became the basis for the formation of a Russian property-owning class (Mawdsley and White, 2000: pp. 95e299; Martynova, 2001: ch. 4). The relative youth of individual members of the business elite in these early Our de? nition is close to that of other scholars. For the Russian Sociological Dictionary, for instance, the ‘economic elite’ should be understood as the ‘people who control the main ? nancial-economic structures of a country independent of judicial forms of ownership’; they may be divided into the directors of state enterprises, and the ‘business elite’ proper (Osipov, 1998 p. 638). For Ashin and colleagues, the business elite is the ‘top stratum of the entrepreneurial-? ancial group of the society’ (Ashin et al. , 1999: p. 294). Zaslavskaya de? nes à ¢â‚¬Ëœoligarchs’ as ‘not only owners, but also authorised executives and those who hold signi? cant numbers of shares of the major national and international corporations, holdings and industrial-? nancial groups’ (Zaslavskaya, 2004: p. 370). There has been considerable controversy in Russian sociology about de? nitions of this kind: see for instance Toshchenko (1999). 2 296 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 eform years should not mislead us: the nomenklatura exchanged power for property, without necessarily engaging themselves in commercial activities. For the conduct of business of this kind they recruited younger associates, who were able to make use of government revenues to support their commercial initiatives. These younger associates were recruited from the party’s ‘reserve’, the Komsomol, who represented the lower level of the party-state bureaucracy in the Soviet period. Both before and after the crisis of 1998 there was a fairly substantial group of people who had a noticeable in? ence on public policy, thanks to their ? nancial resources. Their money gave them control of mass communications, the ability to fund election campaigns, assist parties and ‘purchase’ deputies, and to lobby government directly. Russia was not unusual in these respects: in the early twentieth century Michels had already formulated his ‘iron law of oligarchy’ according to which a democracy, in order to preserve itself and achieve a degree of stability, is obliged to separate out a more active minority element, or elite. For this reason, according to Michels (1959: p. 7), democracy inevitably turned into oligarchy. Writing subsequently, Miriam Beard claimed that the opportunity to achieve power was at the same time an opportunity to acquire wealth, since there were no obstacles with society that prevent the rich acquiring power for instance, through their ability to spend at election time (Beard, 1938: p. 166). Oligarchy may be de? ned as a state formation in which the major owners have not only economic power, but also enormous political in? uence. They take part in the formation of government and at the same time receive privileges from government, on which their wellbeing is dependent. An oligarchy is based on the interaction of two elite groups: the political ‘establishment’, which is ? nanced by big business and provide it with access to the most pro? table forms of entrepreneurship, and businessmen themselves. The interpenetration of power and property is expressed in the constant bargaining that takes place between both sets of actors, including the ? ? ? lling of key positions. Businessmen bring their proteges into government, and politicians after their resignation ? nd refuge in private corporations, bringing with them as a form of capital their wide network of contacts. In an oligarchic state the distance between state power and big business is minimal: it is a narrow circle in which everyone knows everyone else (Kryshtanovskaya, 1996). A de? nition of oligarchy of this kind is close but not quite identical to the one that was most widely employed in the Russian press during the 1990s, in which 10e15 businessmen were regularly named in this capacity. Unlike journalists, for whom a situational and individual analysis is important, the social scienti? c approach is a di? erent one: the oligarchy is considered as a social group whose personal composition has no particular signi? ance other than as a basis for constructing the sample to be examined. For these purposes the oligarchy is faceless, and not dependent on the replacement of one name by anotherda Gusinsky, for instance, by an Abramovich. What is at issue is not a list of the individually important, but the social relationship between the two groups who continue to constitute the Russian elite: politicians and businessmen. Accordingly, the downfall of individual oligarchs may represent not the weakening, but the strengthening of the oligarchy as a larger entity. O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 297 The origins of the business elite Russia’s developing bourgeoisie has been the object of close attention over the entire post-communist period (for the use of this term see Gill, 1998). But interest was at its highest point immediately before the August 1998 crisis when it seemed that the country was being run, not by a disorganised elite under the guidance of a decrepit president, but by a small group of nouveau-riche tycoons. These were the ‘real government of Russia’, in the view of the Financial Times (K’eza, 1997: p. 98). The sociologist Tat’yana Zaslavskaya (1997: p. 54) described them as a ‘renewed oligarchy’ made up of the ‘most competent or fortunate members of the nomenklatura’, with no less power and a good deal more wealth than their Soviet predecessors. Just seven of them, according to Berezovsky himself, controlled half of the entire Russian eco nomy (Financial Times 1 November 1996: p. 17). The in? uence of this small group of Moscow businessmen steadily increased at the same time as the state itself began to disintegrate, and the country’s economic position deteriorated further. Russia’s oligarchy received an important stimulus in 1995 when the government decided to give private business the shares of major enterprises in exchange for their ? nancial support (Freeland, 2000). The debt auctions were a Rubicon separating two stages in the formation of the business elite. Up to this point the business elite consisted of ? nanciers who had enormous in? uence in the political world, but their role in the Russian economy was not particularly signi? cant. There was not much incentive to invest in industries that needed extensive modernisation before they could start to yield a pro? . After the Russian government had approved the principle of debt auctions major ? nanciers were able to invest their money more advantageously, strengthening their position in politics and in the economy. In this way, the owners of the banks that were allowed to engage in these activities in the mid-1990s became a group with genuine, rather than virtual economic power. Now their political authority was determined not by their connections in the corridors of power, but also by their real economic weight. The process by which the role of the major businessmen in society increased was clearly re? cted in the ratings of the country’s most in? uential public ? gures that appear regularly in the newspaper Nezavisimaya gazeta, based on expert surveys. The ? rst businessmen appeared in the list in 1996 (see Table 1). By 1997 they had achieved their maximum in? uence, and the leader of the groupdBoris Berezovskydwas regularly identi? ed as one of the country’s half-dozen most powerful individuals. One of the oligarchs, the head of Al’fa Bank Mikhail Fridman, spoke in this sense in an interview in 1997, soon after President Yeltsin had received him and his colleagues in the Kremlin. Imagine’, as he put it, ‘if President Gorbachev had met a businessman or two, it would have been meaningless, because their social status was so di? eren t. Just the fact that the meeting with Yeltsin took place shows how complete is the change in place and role of the business community in our social hierarchy. Now we occupy a very prestigious place’ (interview, 1997). In the ? rst years of their existence the oligarchs were a fairly small and united group, who represented not so much the entrepreneurial class as a whole as their own 298 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 Table 1 Oligarchs and their in? uence, 1996e2000 1996 1. Berezovsky B. A. 2. Potanin V. O. 3. Vyakhirev R. I. 4. Gusinsky V. A. 5. Khodorkovsky M. B. 6. Alekperov V. Yu. 7. Fridman M. M. 8. Aven P. I. 9. Abramovich R. A. 10. Mamut M. A. 11. Smolensky A. P. 12. Vinogradov V. V. 13. Nevzlin L. B. 14. Yevtushenkov V. No. of oligarchs included Average rating 98 84 e e e e e e e e e e e e 2 91 1997 6 20 13 15 28 25 e e e e 26 55 e e 8 24 1998 4 19 8 15 25 23 59 e e e 31 51 90 e 10 33 1999 5 53 12 19 72 26 94 98 29 e e e e 36 10 44 2000 4 47 7 15 60 26 54 39 5 21 e e e e 10 28 Source: Adapted from data supplied by the Vox Populi agency, as published regularly in Nezavisimaya gazeta; the list shows the place of Russian businessmen within the country’s 100 most in? uential individuals, in descending order of magnitude. narrowly corporate interests. Even their lobbying was directed not so much towards the adoption of laws in which Russian capital as a whole had a signi? cant stake, but towards the receipt of speci? c privileges for their own ? rms. The best known of the ? rst-wave oligarchs attempted not so much to de? ne the political direction of the country as to monitor personnel changes in the government. The idea of the allpowerful nature of the oligarchs in 1995e1996, indeed, was a myth that had been blown up by the media, and their real in? uence on politics was much more limited. The television executive Igor Malashenko, who had joined Yeltsin’s re-election campaign sta? in 1996, insisted later that stories about the ‘incredible power of the oligarchs’ were ‘pure nonsense’, and often encouraged by the oligarchs themselves to exaggerate the in? uence they could command (Nezavisimaya gazeta 3 June 1998: p. 8; Schroder, 1999). But behind the empty newspaper phrases a real process was ? oing on, marking the advance of an entire entrepreneurial class. The oligarchs of 1995e1997 were ambitious and naive. They enriched themselves so quickly that they began to su? er from what Stalin had called the ‘dizziness with success’; in particular, they engaged in open political adventures. They became deputies without any di? culty (which had the welco me advantage that it gave them immunity from prosecution). A few even stood for the presidency in 1991 (manager and banker Martin Shakkum), and again in 1996 (pharmaceuticals magnate Viktor Bryntsalov). But it soon became clear that politics was an expensive game for a business elite that had not yet established its own position, and the frontal attacks of the new Russians were succeeded by attempts to in? uence politics in a more systematic but indirect way. The business elite began to use the media for its purposes, as well as the opposition, trade unions and state o? cials. They started to O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 299 buy insider information so as to use it in their business activities, and to in? ence the taking of particular economic decisions. The ? rst multimillionaires emerged at a time of considerable instability in the country’s power structures, and rose quickly to the very top. They understood all the advantages of their position as businessmen-politicians and played a dangerous game, ? nancing political organisations and the mass media. Their rise coincided with the privatisation of state property and w as accelerated by the re-election of Boris Yeltsin in 1996; afterwards, some of the most prominent oligarchs formed a part of the Kremlin ‘Family’ itself. Pappe, one of the ? rst to study this process, has argued that ‘Up to 1998 all the most powerful economic groupings increased their resources as compared with those available to the power structures’. But from the end of the year and particularly after the August ? nancial crisis the whole process ‘went into reverse’, and soon there was not a single industrial group (with the possible exception of the massive gas corporation Gazprom) that was in a position to in? uence government or even deal with it on equal terms (Pappe, 2000: p. 46). The August crisis and the fall of the oligarchs The August crisis of 1998 and the sudden devaluation of the rouble that accompanied it led to an upheaval in the entire society, including the business elite. Indeed, on our evidence, only 15% of the 1993 business elite had retained their position by 2001. There are several reasons for this far-reaching turnover. In the ? rst place, there had been structural changes in the volatile Russian market. If before 1998 it had been dominated by ? nancial structures (banks, exchanges and investment corporations), after the crisis their role signi? cantly contracted. The speculative sector of the economy was almost destroyed by the August crisis, and did not recover. Goods exchanges, which at one time had ? ourished, disappeared almost entirely, and the number of banks fell sharply. But in the post-crisis period industrial enterprises emerged much more prominently, and they have continued to do so. These changes were re? ected in the composition of the business elite, which came increasingly to consist of entrepreneurs (by 2001 they accounted for as much as 64% of the total). What happened to the 85% of the 1993 business elite who had not retained their position in 2001? According to our evidence, most entrepreneurs who had been members of the 1993 business elite retained their positions in business (52%), but in many cases their scale of activity no longer allowed them to be included in the list of the country’s leading businessmen. Of the remainder, 6% became professional politicians and by 2001 were working full-time in parliament or in government. Nine percent had retired on a pension; these were mostly bankers who had headed commercial, formerly state banks in the early years of economic reform. A further 10% of the 1993 business elite had moved abroad, for the most part in order to protect their personal security, and two had been killed: the head of the Russian Business Round Table Ivan Kivelidi, and the head of the ‘21st Century Association’ Otari Kvantrishvili. 300 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 There were related changes in the kinds of individuals that composed the business elite. A comparison of the data for 1993 and 2001 makes clear that it has become somewhat younger; its average age fell to 48. years as compared with 51. 8 years in 1993, shortly after the end of communist rule. As before, it is an overwhelminglydindeed exclusivelydmale group. A quarter of the business elite of 2001, fewer than before, came from Moscow or St Petersburg, rather more are from other cities (33%), and even more came from small towns or villages (42%). The reason for the greater provincialism of the business elite is the structural changes that have taken place in its composition; Moscow ? nanciers have to a large extent been replaced by regional industrialists. The occupational and educational background of the business elite has also been changing. In 1993 it was typical to enter business from science as well as industry itself, but by 2001 it was more common to migrate from the state service as well as industry (see Table 2). The entrepreneurs of 2001 were also more educated than their predecessors: just 3% had two degrees in 1993 but now 13% have a second quali? cation, often in law. The social and professional background of the new business elite leaves little doubt that it is still closely connected with the political elite of the Soviet period. Some 29% of the current business elite, for instance, belonged to the Soviet nomenklatura, a ? gure that was actually somewhat higher than it had been 8 years earlier in the immediate aftermath of communist rule. Similar processes have been identi? ed on the basis of survey evidence (Chernysh, 1994; Eyal et al. , 1998). But while the business elite of 1993 were typically of Komsomol origin, now the main source of recruitment of the business elite is government ministries (Table 3). Immediately before they entered the business elite, its members were enterprise directors (25%), state o? ials (20%), employees of private ? rms (27%), sta? from state banks (6%), and others. This was a career progression that was characteristic of the post-communist period. Formerly, the usual retirement destination of a senior public ? gure was the diplomatic service. Now, more often than not, former state o? cials after their retirement become top managers in major corporations. This tendency ? rst made itself apparent in 1992e1993, when a series of members of the government moved to work in commercial structures. They included Petr Aven, who moved from the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations to the Table 2 Origins of the Russian business elite, 1993e2001 Sphere of activity Industry Science Culture and education Study [ ] State banks State service Other (N ) 1993 35 26 15 0 17 0 39 (115) 2001 50 14 4 13 7 16 30 (131) Source: Authors’ data. The totals include all the spheres in which the respective business elite were active; ‘study’ indicates direct entry into the business elite on completion of higher education. O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 Table 3 Nomenklatura origins of the Russian business elite, 1993e2001 (percentages) 1993 No nomenklatura background Nomenklatura background Of which: Komsomol apparatus CPSU apparatus Soviet executives Senior ministerial positions 76 24 11 4 5 10 301 2001 71 29 7 4 5 12 Source: As Table 2. Those with a nomenklatura background in 1993 exceed the total shown as many members of the business elite worked in more than one position of this kind. residency of Al’fa Bank; Maksim Boiko, who left the State Property Commission to become general director of the advertising group Video International; and Viktor Ilyushin, the former head of Yeltsin’s presidential sta? and then a ? rst deputy prime minister, who moved into the state gas monopoly Gazprom. In other movements, Andrei Kozyrev went from the Foreign Ministry to the American company ICN Pharmaceuticals; Petr Mostovoi moved from the Federal Ban kruptcy Service to become ? rst vice-president of the diamond company Alrosa; Alfred Kokh, who had been ? st deputy chairman of the State Property Commission and deputy premier, became head of the Montes Auri company; and Oleg Sysuev, who had been deputy prime minister and before that mayor of Samara, became vice-president of Al’fa Bank. Subsequently the process became a much more general one. Over the entire post-communist period there have been substantial changes in the way in which the country’s leading entrepreneurs have entered business. In 1993e 1995 the most common way of establishing a successful commercial company was the creation by a state o? cial of a ? rm into which he could move directly. We call this process ‘moving chairs’; it was one of the ways in which the former ruling group exchanged their power for property. Instead of the ‘diplomatic exile’ of the Soviet period, a new means of retirement developeddmoving into business. Firms that were set up on this basis soon ? lled up with highly placed retirees. As we were frequently told in our interviews with former party o? cials and the senior sta? of government ministries, only ‘our own people’ were given appointments in ? rms of this kind, which had typically evolved from ministries and government bodies of the Soviet period. The next most common means of exchanging power for property was when a state body delegated the right to conduct commercial activity to its authorised representatives. The leading positions in these companies were then ? lled with young people who were not directly related to the Soviet nomenklatura, or who held only junior positions within it. And ? nally, the third common means of establishing a successful business was the privatisation of former state enterprises. In most cases 3 We rely in this instance on the interviews conducted for our ‘Transformation of the Russian elite’ project between 2000 and 2004 (450 interviews). 02 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 the enterprise that had become a joint stock company did not change its managers (or did not do so immediately) and the director remained at his post, no longer simply the manager but now the owner of the enterprise over which he presided. In 1993 the most characteristic route into business was through the creation of a ? rm of one’s own by the use of o? cial position (57% of the business elite); by 2001 it was more common for members of the business elite to create their own ? ms through the privatisation of state enterprises (39%). Business and politics After the crisis, not only the business elite had changed: its in? uence upon the political process had also changed. The ‘old’ oligarchs of the Yeltsin period retired into the shadows, yielding their place to a new generation of entrepreneurs. These ‘new Russians’ were more provincial, more closely associated with domestic industry, and not so naively ambitious. The insecurity of the ? rst-wave oligarchs, who had su? ered because of their proximity to the regime, taught them to be cautious. The new oligarchs avoided public life and boasting about their wealth, but sought to establish ? rmer, less conspicuous relations with the authorities at all levels, acting more often than not through intermediaries. The destruction of the media empires of Berezovsky and Gusinsky, both of whom had been forced into exile, made it clear that the post-Yeltsin regime would not allow itself to be blackmailed, and that only groups that cooperated with government would be allowed to acquire important media holdings. The new motto was loyalty. But these changes in the political context did not mean that entrepreneurs withdrew into obscurity. Their in? uence changed in form, but all the same remained signi? cant. It was no longer individual mavericksdthe Borovois, Bryntsalovs and Berezovskysdwho stood out on the political arena, but a series of more shadowy ? gures representing the most powerful corporationsdGazprom, Lukoil, Yukos, Al’fa and so forth. Of the ‘old’ oligarchy, only the Al’fa group were still well represented on the political scene in the early years of the new century; two of its senior managers, for instance, took positions as deputy heads of the presidential administration in 1999 (Vyacheslav Surkov and Sergei Abramov). Al’fa people accounted at this time for an entire contingent of the presidential administration on Old Square in Moscow, where they occupied key positions as high-level consultants or department heads. However, notwithstanding the fact that the personal in? uence of the ? rst-wave oligarchs declined considerably, the role of major businessmen in society tended to increase still further. In Table 4 we set out our evidence for the Yeltsin (1993) and Putin (2001, 2003) leaderships, examining the proportion of key decision-making positions that are held by individuals from the world of big business in each of these periods. In almost every category the proportion of business representatives has increased and across all categories the representation of business more than trebled, reaching a remarkable 20% of government ministers. The minister of fuel and energy, for instance, was a representative of Yukos in 1998e1999 (Sergei Generalov), and was O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 Table 4 Business representation in elite groups (percentages) Top leadership Yeltsin cohort (1993) Putin cohort (2001) Putin cohort (2003) Source: As Table 2. 2. 3 15. 7 9. 1 Duma deputies 12. 8 17. 3 17. Government 0. 0 4. 2 20. 0 Regional elite 2. 6 8. 1 12. 5 303 Overall 4. 4 9. 3 14. 7 a representative of Lukoil in 2000 (Alexander Gavrin). Another ? gure from the Al’fa group, Andrei Popov, was head of the territorial department of the presidential administration, where he served side by side with his Al’fa colleagues Surkov and Abramov. Business in the Russian regions The oligarchy strengthened its position even more considerably in the Russian regions than in the federal centre. The crisis that followed the collapse of the currency in August 1998 a? ected Moscow oligarchs more than their provincial counterparts. The Yeltsin oligarchy collapsed, but in the regions the merger of business and politics continued. The August crisis, in fact, accelerated the process. Ruined Moscow businessmen closed their regional o? ces; in turn, they were taken over by local administrations or by the companies they controlled. There was, in e? ect, a new redistribution of property in 1998e2000. Property was removed from its former owners in exchange for the cancellation of debts, in either of two forms: the return of ownership to the state itself (nationalisation), or the replacement of one private owner by another (reprivatisation). Both of these methods were actively employed by local leaderships throughout the federation. The velvet nationalisation of the post-crisis period took place under the guidance of local authorities. The ? rst experiment of this kind was carried out by Evgenii Mikhailov, governor of Pskov region who introduced a monopoly in the production and wholesale trade of alcohol (Slider, 1999). The ? rst state unitary enterprise ‘Pskovalko’ was established for these purposes. The model proved extremely e? ctive, and over the following year eight more such enterprises were established, including ‘Pskovobllesprom’, ‘Pskovtorf’, ‘Pskovvtorma’ and others. To assist the newly established state enterprises local enterprises were deprived of their productive assets in return for the cancellation of tax arrears. Regional tax inspectors were encouraged to identify as many of these indebted enterprises as possible, and defaulters were forced into bankrup tcy so that their property could be taken over by local state enterprisesdin e? ect, by local administrations. Mikhailov’s actions were so much to the advantage of local elites that his approach was immediately adopted throughout the country, leading to the establishment of large numbers of local monopolies modelled on the national gas and energy monopolies. It was not only local political leaderships that forced Moscow oligarchs out of the regions. Local entrepreneurs who were friendly with or even related to local 304 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 leaderships were also involved in the process. In Kursk, for instance, overnor Alexander Rutskoi handed the region’s network of chemists’ shops to his elder son Dmitrii, making him the general director of ‘Kurskpharmacy’. The governor’s younger son became a manager of the oil concern ‘Kurskneftekhim’, 49% of which was owned by a Moscow ? rm whose director was the same younger son. The governor’s brothers were also fortunate: the eld er became head of a state-joint stock company ‘Faktor’, and the younger became deputy head of the regional department of public security. The governor’s mother became the cofounder of a local ? m, and his father in law took over responsibility for the region’s cultural a? airs (these details are drawn from the National News Service at nns. ru). Reprivatisation and the strengthening of the local oligarchy have been taking place in all the Russian regions. It has acquired especially large dimensions in the national republics, where forms of authoritarian rule have become increasingly prominent. In Bashkortostan, to take another example, an entire clan of presidential relatives has come into existence. The president’s son, Ural Rakhimov, was vicepresident of the oil and gas company ‘Bashneftekhim’ in the early years of the new century; a relative of the president’s wife, Azat Kurmanaev, was president of ‘Bashkreditbank’; and the president’s wife, Luisa Rakhimov, held a senior position in the republic’s ministry of foreign relations and trade. The nationalisation of the Bashkir economy was also advancing rapidly, with the establishment of state monopolies in key spheres such as ‘Bashlesprom’ (timber), ‘Bashkirskaya toplivnaya kompaniya’ (fuel) and ‘Bashavtotrans’ (transportation) ( ns. ru). By 2000 the power of regional oligarchs had strengthened to such an extent that they began to expand economically in neighbouring regions. Regional oligarchs began to appear, with interests that spanned several of the subjects of the federation. In this process, new ? nancial and industrial groups came in to existence that had no connection with the ? rst-wave Moscow oligarchy. A striking example of this type was Aleksei Mordashov, general director of the ‘Severstal’’ joint stock company (based in Cherepovets in the Vologda region), who entered the list of the country’s most in? ential businessmen at the end of the 1990s. The same kind of interregional expansion was being carried out by entrepreneurs from Sverdlovsk and Samara regions, and Bashkortostan. New holding companies on a transregional scale that have emerged in recent years include the Urals mining and metallurgical company, Novolipets metallurgical combine, and the St Petersburg concern ‘New Programmes and Conceptions’. The increasing economic power of regional entrepreneurs was re? ected in their political in? uence. In local elections throughout the country it became apparent that electors preferred to vote for major businessmen, and for the directors of joint stock companies and of the region’s biggest factories. In the elections that took place in the late 1990s representatives of the industrial and ? nancial elite took 80% of seats in the Perm’ region, about 70% in Smolensk region, about 60% in Penza, Tambov and Tomsk regions, and more than half in Belgorod, Leningrad, Nizhnii Novgorod, Omsk, Rostov and Stavropol’ regions, and in Primorskii territory. The average, across all the regions that held their elections between 1995 and 1997, was 43% (calculated from Vybory, 1998). An increase in the political role of local oligarchs led O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 305 at the same time to a fall in the electoral role of civil society. The more oligarchs and o? cials in local legislatures, the fewer teachers, doctors and farmers. The election of representatives of the ? ancial-industrial elite to representative institutions of this kind demonstrates that the tendency for regional capital and government to merge has become increasingly powerful. The increase in the in? uence of ? nancial-industrial circles in Russian towns and cities is paralleled by the increasing in? uence of state-farm directors in the countryside. As a result, in all regional legislatures the directors of joint stock companies, and of unitary enterprises, banks and other commercial structures, have become the dom inant force. New entrepreneurs, within this general tendency, have themselves become more numerous, squeezing out longer-established factory managers throughout the regions and especially where relatively large numbers of local enterprises are in ? nancial di? culty. Owners and managers, according to local legislation, are allowed to combine their entrepreneurial activities provided their representative duties are carried out on a part-time basis. In this way, they have obtained a series of legislative and supervisory prerogatives but at the same time been relieved of the burdens of full-time legislative duties. The increasing in? uence of business on regional politics is also apparent in the formation of local administrations. With every year, for instance, the number of businessmen-governors increases. The ‘? rst swallow’ was Kalmykia, where the wellknown entrepreneur Kirsan Ilyumzhinov was elected president as early as 1993. In 1996 three local oligarchs became governors: Yuri Evdokimov in Murmansk (where he had represented the interests of the Moscow mayor’s group ‘Sistema’), Leonid Gorbenko in Kaliningrad, and Vladimir Butov in the Nenets autonomous region. The elections of 2000e2001 added several more, including heads of the most important local enterprises: in Chukotka the head of Sibneft’ and owner of Chelsea Football Club, Roman Abramovich (in 2000); in Taimyr the head of Noril’sk Nickel, Alexander Khloponin (elected in 2001 and then a year later as governor of Krasnoyarsk territory); and in Evenki Boris Zolotarev, head of development at the oil giant ‘Yukos’ (in 2001). In Krasnodar territory, the Koryak autonomous district and Primor’e local oligarchs had further successes: Alexander Tkachev, Vladimir Loginov (December 2000) and Sergei Dar’kin (in 2001). In early 2002 there were two further successes of this kind, Vyacheslav Shtyrov won in Sakha (Yakutia), and Hazret Sovmen in Adygeya. As a result of these changes, 12 Russian regions (or nearly 14% of the total) are today headed by major businessmen. Conclusions Several new tendencies in the development of the Russian business elite had become apparent by the early years of the new century. 1. Powerful ? nancial-industrial groups have begun to appear that are based not in Moscow but in the Russian provinces, and which are furthering the process of inter-regional integration. At the same time the transfer of the business and 306 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. political activities of the business elite from the capital to the regions has been accompanied by an increase in the role of the state, which has taken steps to restore its control over political and economic life. The strengthening of the state has placed tighter limits on the business elite and restricted its freedom of activity, which has led to a reduction in its direct in? ence on the political process. This relates particularly to personnel matters, where the state has taken back the role of principal decision-maker, and to the mass media. By the early years of the new century the business elite were making fewer attempts to impose their own preferences upon government ‘from outside’, but were engaged in a process of interaction with all levels of government in which they could introduce their own priorities as issues were formulated and decisions were taken. From 1998 onwards there has been a further exclusion of Moscow capital from the regions and an increase in the concentration of power at the regional level. At the same time in a series of the republics the fusion of business and government has advanced even further, as has the formation of local oligarchies. Sometimes this process has assumed autocratic forms in which big business in a region has come under the absolute control not of the state, but of its leading o? cials, who have formed ? ancial-industrial clans enjoying an e? ective monopoly of political power. The interests of big business have changed. If before they were simply connected with privileges for their companies, now with the increase in the scale of their operation they have begun to press their views in relation to the regulation of the economy as a whole. This has led to an increase in the economic in? uence of private business, which has to some extent compensated for their loss of political in? uence. With the coming to power of Vladimir Putin in 2000 private entrepreneurs have begun to be excluded from the main electronic media. The destruction of the media holdings of Gusinsky and Berezovsky, and the arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky in late 2003, were intended to show ‘who’s boss’. The new regime made it clear it would not be blackmailed, as Boris Yeltsin had been; and formerly oppositional media were entrusted to groups that had shown their loyalty. In the period after the August 1998 crisis big business became a refuge for many retired politicians, with a substantial out? w of senior o? cials, ministers and civil servants into the managerial ranks of the major companies. Putin’s declared policy of ‘equal distancing’ for the oligarchs means a choice: either to support the regime in all its undertakings, or retire to the sidelines. No longer can Russia’s business elite establish their own parties and engage in open criticism of the go vernment. The new regime is engaged in restoring state power, after a period in which it had been privatised by o? cials and businessmen. In this new social order there is no place for opposition, unpredictable elections, or insubordinate nouveaux riches; rather, the preferred model is analogous to the cheibols in South Koreadenormous economic conglomerates whose activity is closely regulated. The further concentration of capital in the hands of 20e25 ? nancial-industrial groups that are completely loyal to the state appears to be the economic project of the Putin regime as it moves into its second and ? nal term of o? ce. O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 307 References Ashin, G. K. , Ponedelkov, A. V. , Ignatov, V. G. , Starostin, A. M. , 1999. Osnovy Politicheskoi Elitologii. Prior, Moscow. Beard, M. , 1938. A History of the Business Man. Macmillan, New York. Chernysh, M. F. , 1994. Sotsial’naya mobil’nost’v 1986e1993 godakh. Sotsiologicheskii Zhurnal 2, 130e133. Eyal, G. , Szelenyi, I. , Townsley, E. , 1998. Making Capitalism without Capitalists: Class Formation and Elite Struggles in Post-Communist Central Europe. Verso, London. Freeland, C. , 2000. Sale of the Century. Little, Brown, London. Gill, G. , 1998. Democratization, the bourgeoisie and Russia. Government and Opposition 33 (3), 307e329. Ho? an, D. E. , 2002. The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia. Public A? airs, New York. K’eza, D. , 1997. Proshchai, Rossiya! Geya, Moscow. Khlebnikov, P. , 2000. Godfather of the Kremlin: Boris Berezovsky and the Looting of Russia. Harcourt, New York. Kukolev, I. V. , 1995a. Formirovanie rossiiskoi biznes-elity. Sotsiologicheskii Zhurnal 3, 159 e169. Kukolev, I. V. , 1995b. Sovremennaya biznes-elita Rossii. Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta, ser. 18: Sotsiologiya i Politologiya 4, 12e22. Kukolev, I. V. , 1996. Formirovanie biznes-elity. Obshchestvennye Nauki i Sovremennost’ 2, 12e23. Kryshtanovskaya, O. V. , 1996. Finansovaya oligarkhiya Rossii. Izvestiya 10 January, 5. Kryshtanovskaya, O. V. , 2002a. Biznes-elita i oligarkhi: itogi desyatiletiya. Mir Rossii 4, 3e60. Kryshtanovskaya, O. V. , 2002b. Transformatsiya biznes-elity Rossii: 1998e2002. Sotsiologicheskie Issledovaniya 8, 17e29. Martynova, M. Yu. , 2001. Politicheskaya elita Rossii na Rubezhe Vekov. Pomorskii Gosudarstvennyi Universitet, Archangel. Mawdsley, E. , White, S. , 2000. The Soviet Political Elite from Lenin to Gorbachev: The Central Committee and its Members, 1917e1991. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Michels, R. , 1959. Political Parties. Dover, New York. Mukhin, A. A. , 2001. Biznes-elita i Gosudarstvennaya vlast’. Gnom i D, Moscow. Mukhin, A. A. , 2004. ‘‘Osobaya Papka’’ Vladimira Putina. Itogi Pervogo Prezidentskogo Sroka i Otnosheniya s Krupnymi Sobstvennikami. Tsentr Politicheskoi Informatsii, Moscow. Osipov, G. V. (Ed. ), 1998. Rossiiskii Sotsiologicheskii Slovar’. Norma, Moscow. Pappe, Ya. Sh. , 2000. ‘Oligarkhi’: Ekonomicheskaya Khronika, 1992e2000. Vysshaya Shkola Ekonomiki, Moscow. Rutland, P. (Ed. ), 2001. Business and State in Contemporary Russia. Westview, Boulder, CO. Schroder, H. -H. , 1999. El’tsin and the oligarchs: the role of ? ancial groups in Russian politics between ? 1993 and July 1998. Europe-Asia Studies 51 (6), 957e988. Silverman, B. , Yanowitch, M. , 2000. New Rich, New Poor, New Russia: Winners and Losers on the Russian Road to Capitalism, expanded ed. Sharpe, Armonk NY. Slider, D. , 1999. Pskov under the LDPR: elections and dysfun ctional federalism in one region. EuropeAsia Studies 51 (5), 755e767. Toshchenko, Zh. T. , 1999. Elita? Klany? Kasty? Kliki? Kak nazvat’ tekh, kto pravit nami? Sotsiologicheskie Issledovaniya 11, 123e133. Vybory, 1998. Vybory v Zakonodatel’nye (Predstavitel’nye) Organy Gosudarstvennoi Vlasti Sub’’ektov Rossiiskoi Federatsii. 995e1997. Ves’ mir, Moscow. de Vries, M. K. , Shekshnia, S. , Korotov, K. , Florent-Treacy, E. , 2004. The New Russian Business Leaders. Edward Elgar, Cheltenham. Yeltsin, B. , 1992. ‘Vystuplenie’, (Vneocherednoi) S’’ezd Narodnykh Deputatov RSFSR 10e17 Iyunya, 28 Oktyabrya-2 Noyabrya 1991 Goda: Stenogra? cheskii Otchet 3 vols, vol. 2. Respublika, Moscow, pp. 4e30. Zaslavskaya, T. I. , 1997. Problema demokraticheskoi pereorientatsii ekonomiki sovremennoi Rossii. Obshchestvo i Ekonomika 1e2, 51e57. Zaslavskaya, T. I. , 2004. Sovremennoe Rossiiskoe Obshchestvo: Sotsial’nyi Mekhanizm Transfo rmatsii. Delo, Moscow.

Sunday, October 20, 2019

Free Online Public Schools for Washington Students

Free Online Public Schools for Washington Students The state of Washington offers resident students the opportunity to take online public school courses for free. These online programs may serve elementary or high school students. The list was built of schools that were found to meet the following criteria: classes must be available completely online, they must offer services to state residents, and they must be funded by the government. The virtual schools listed may be charter schools, state-wide public programs, or private programs that receive government funding. List of Washington Online Charter Schools and Online Public Schools Insight School of Washington: This program is available for grades 9-12. Its designed to help high school students stay in school and earn a diploma. The program includes weekly contact with teachers and advisors. Students can explore career and college options. It is a free public school.Internet Academy: This was Washingtons first online public school, funded by the Federal Way School District. It has courses for grades K-12. Washington state students have tuition waived and may take up to five full courses, which is considered full-time. Students may also be enrolled at a building school, but a tuition fee will be charged when the student is taking more than five courses combined between the building and Internet Academy.IQ Academy WashingtonWashington Virtual Academies: Available for K-12. WAVA offers individualized education that is tailored for each student. They are a public school. They offer language arts, math, history, art, and physical education as the core curriculum. Th ey provide all of the textbooks and instructional materials needed. The program is self-paced and as flexible as it can be under state law. School outings and social events are scheduled as well. About Online Charter Schools and Online Public Schools Many states now offer tuition-free online schools for resident students under a certain age (often 21). Most virtual schools are charter schools; they receive government funding and are run by a private organization. Online charter schools are subject to fewer restrictions than traditional schools. However, they are reviewed regularly and must continue to meet state standards. Some states also offer their own online public schools. These virtual programs generally operate from a state office or a school district. State-wide public school programs vary. Some online public schools offer a limited number of remedial or advanced courses not available in brick-and-mortar public school campuses. Others offer full online diploma programs. A few states choose to fund â€Å"seats† for students in private online schools. The number of available seats may be limited and students are usually asked to apply through their public school guidance counselor. Choosing a Washington Online Public School When choosing an online public school, look for an established program that is regionally accredited and has a track record of success. Be wary of new schools that are disorganized, are unaccredited, or have been the subject of public scrutiny. For more suggestions on evaluating virtual schools see how to choose an online high school.

Saturday, October 19, 2019

High Performers in Marketing and Advertising Majors Essay

High Performers in Marketing and Advertising Majors - Essay Example One of the more interesting findings of this study was the difference in perception of fellow classmates between high performing and low performing students. The article notes that â€Å"students with lower GPA (scores) reported higher satisfaction with fellow classmates than students with higher GAP (scores)† (Walsh & Woosley, 2013). In this case, it emerged that students with high performance in their GPA scores had varying perceptions compared to their low-performing peers. This raises a question as to whether this dissatisfaction among high-performing students has more to do with their view that low-performing students make them carry an extra burden in teamwork efforts, or that they simply do not appreciate their fellow classmates who have lower levels of performance (Walsh & Woosley, 2013). This might indicate that lecturers and other faculty members might have to pay more attention to how students are assigned to teams if they wish to retain high performing students.  Another interesting aspect of this study was that there was no significant difference between the perception of leadership/management skills and teamwork and effective communication between low and high-performing students, in terms of their overall perceptions of program quality. The authors indicate that this could be explained by the fact that â€Å"†¦students may be making similar progress and learning similar things† and that â€Å"high-performing students may underestimate their learning or that low-performing students may overestimate their learning†.

Ethics essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Ethics - Essay Example The importance of finding answer to this question is just as, if not more, important than trying to establish and enforce civility and ethics in the workplace. Defining values that support leadership is an ongoing process and requires critical insight and effort on our part. The task of a leader is to establish excellence rather than commanding it. An organization’s mission should be based on our values and beliefs rather than alteration of our values and beliefs because of the mission of organization. Character lays the basis of leadership. Character reflects in a leader’s courage to make decisions from this perspective. Organizations acquire stability from our values. Our purpose must be stable so that we are better able to deal with the unstable environment. Our moral values enable us to always display responsible performance. Performance responsibility exists in people’s moral values, dignity, and ethics obtained from them. Values discussed in the article inc lude openness, equality, liberty, respect for others, self-reliance, and responsibility of behavior. Openness has become a norm in our society. Openness implies that we are self-sufficient and do not need others which in effect paradoxically leads us to a closing end. Despite the immense emphasis placed on the sustenance and enforcement of these values in the American society, these values fail to lay an adequate explanation of the conflict between individualism and collectivism. Nevertheless, the collective nature of ethical value is still promoted by the democratic ideal since it highlights the concerns for others more than the concerns for us. I consent with the author that establishment of excellence is even more important for a leader than commanding excellence. When a leader commands excellence rather than establishing it, he/she might be successful in achieving his/her objectives, but a holistic change that incorporates effective leadership skills in everybody down the line c annot be made unless excellence is established. I also consent with the author that organization’s mission should be driven by the society’s morals and values. This is fundamental to the preservation of our culture, trends, and tradition and for an organization to function ethically in the society. In my personal practice, I see myself as a transformational leader who intends to inculcate the desire, urge, and motivation to bring about a positive change in the followers rather than telling them what to do all the time. I am a strong believer in every individual’s creative abilities and I believe that given the appropriate chance, everybody is able to contribute to the development of a positive change in the society. This responsibility fundamentally rests with the leader because to a large extent, the way followers behave and approach a matter is depicted by the style of leadership adopted by the leader. I do acknowledge that there is confusion about values. Par ticularly in an age where our society has become more multicultural than ever before, values are bound to differ. So in my career when I am caught in a situation where values contrast, I as a leader would see which values promise the achievement of the most desirable and beneficial results. I shall give society’s well-being as a whole priority over the well-being of the society because this would enable me to align the interests of the

Friday, October 18, 2019

One nation under Wal-Mart Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

One nation under Wal-Mart - Case Study Example This research will begin with the statement that as a retailer, Wal-Mart can be characterized as quite successful. As noted in the case study, currently, the stores of Wal-Mart are estimated to, at least, 4,750, a figure that it is quite high if taking into consideration the level of growth of other retailers globally. The rapid and impressive expansion of Wal-Mart has resulted in strong conflicts, in regard to the role of the firm in the society. For many people, Wal-Mart has helped towards the increase of equality in society; people of different financial status have the potential to visit one of the firm’s stores and buy products of various prices. In other words, Wal-Mart eliminates barriers related to buying, as a critical human experience; such barriers are common in societies of non-developed countries which are characterized by extreme gaps between rich and poor. This means that Wal-Mart helps towards the reduction of social inequality, a fact that promotes peace at al l levels of social and private life. At the same time, the stores of Wal-Mart are structures in such way so that they can offer to customers the chance to make their choice among products of different quality/ characteristics. In this way, customers are given the freedom to develop their decision-making skills. The above positive influence of Wal-Mart in regard to a person’s social and private life is highly appreciated by consumers; as noted in the case study ‘about 138 million shoppers visit the firm’s stores every week’.... capitalism and globalization are promoted. Such view could not be accepted for the following reasons: a) Wal-Mart cannot be blamed for the changes in the life of style, including the development of new modes of retailing, similar to that promoting by Wal-Mart. Large retailers exist in all developed countries, being part of daily social life; b) Capitalism and globalization, as concepts, are not related solely to retail; they rather reflect a radical change on traditional views of life and priorities. In fact, retail is just an aspect of capitalism and globalization; existing political systems worldwide are the key supporters of these concepts. According to the above, it would be not fair to claim that Wal-Mart has promoted capitalism and globalization. Still, the success of Wal-Mart proves that people worldwide tend to support capitalism and globalization, at the level that products of well known brands, that are popular worldwide, are highly preferred by consumers. As a result, work ers have become willing to spend on products that meet the standards of fashion, even if these products are going to cover the workers’ primary needs. In any case, these trends cannot be considered as based on Wal-Mart’s strategies. Rather, Wal-Mart has aligned its objectives with the principles of capitalism and globalization which are, in any case, indispensable part of modern life. 2. Can a retailer ever become too large and too powerful? In the context of modern market, a firm can increase its size and its power by following specific rules. For the retail industry a similar rule exists. Primarily, emphasis needs to be given to consumers’ preferences, as influenced by local ethics and culture. At the next level, it is necessary for the firm to identify brands that

Leadership styles Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Leadership styles - Research Paper Example Their ability to perform the aforementioned things relies on the leadership style adopted. Thus, at any time the leader or the manager should employ these styles. An important issue arises and this will be subject in this paper, how are the managers capable of altering their leadership styles (as described in situational leadership theory) to communicate and motivate the employees. There are four leadership styles (the selling or coaching style, the participating or supporting style, the telling or directing style, and the delegating style) and each style will be discussed in detail and applied in the case of General Electric. Specifically, the paper will explore the leadership style of Jeff Immelt, the Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of General Electric. General Electric is among many companies that have excelled in their leadership styles. The leadership style employed has been used as a benchmark for most organizations and companies. It is noted that the four leadership styles are c rucial for the success or failure of a company. As seen in General Electric case, a leader or a manager can apply all the four leadership styles to steer the organization. However, there is a tendency to use one leadership style more than the others are. General Electric In 1876, in Menlo Park, New Jersey, Thomas Alva Edison opened a laboratory where he could discover the prospects of the dynamo and other electrical tools or devices that he had realized in the exposition. By the year 1890, Edison launched the Edison General Electric Company by merging his various businesses. At the same time, a competitor appeared, the Thomson-Houston Company. Thomson-Houston Company became the principal electrical company through a series of unions or mergers led by Charles A. Coffin (General Electric Company, 2012). As the businesses grew, it became very difficult for either of the company to generate complete electrical installations depending entirely on their own technologies and patents. The t wo companies merged in the year 1892, and the new organization was called the General Electric Company. A number of Edison’s initial business offerings are still a portion of General Electric (GE) today and they include transportation, power transmission, medical equipment, industrial products, and lighting. The initial GE Appliances electric fans were generated at the Ft. Wayne electric works in the early 1890s. Full line of cooking and heating devices was first produced in 1907(General Electric Company, 2012). The GE Aircraft Engines started its operations in 1917 when the United States government started its search for a company that could produce the first airplane booster. Edison’s experiments with plastic filaments for the light bulbs started in 1893 and this led to the creation of the GE Plastics department in 1930. The General Electric leaders over the years have created a diverse portfolio of prominent businesses;a series of dominant company-wide initiatives t hat reduces cost and drives growth; Controllership and financial strength that permit it capitalize on openings through several cycles; and a collection of common values which permit it to face every environment with confidence(General Electric Company, 2012). Analysis The Hersey-Blanchard Situational Leadership Model illustrates the relation between the willingness of the followers and leadership style based on relationship and task behaviors of leaders.

Thursday, October 17, 2019

Impact of Globalisation on the Nature of Work in Developing Countries Essay

Impact of Globalisation on the Nature of Work in Developing Countries - Essay Example negatively much more than the male counterparts in the same countries because they are less likely to be able to take up the skilled employment opportunities. Widening Income Gaps There are other disadvantages which come with globalisation. As globalisation creates employment for the skilled people and takes away the same from those who are not professionally trained, this will continue to widen the income gap and these developing countries will end up without a middle class. A country without a middle class is usually at risk of economic and political instabilities, and this is why the issue of globalisation persists.6 Globalisation will continue to expand the gap between the poor and the rich as the few people in the developed countries who have been rich enough to get an education continue to take the top jobs, either locally or even internationally, and be richer, and the majority who do not have an education continue to be jobless and without income.7 Those poor people will not be capable of educating their children, and the trend will continue. On the other hand, the few who are at the top of the socioeconomic ladder will be able to instruct their children, and this means that the few rich will continue to get richer while the majority poor will continue to be poorer. India’s labour market was one of the first to hugely benefit from globalisation as it was the preferred destination for business process outsourcing. As a result of many western camping in Indian cities looking for educated jobless individuals to do their call centre work, many young and educated men benefited and started earning salaries they could not have dreamt of, especially for a call agent. The problem with this was that not everybody in India is educated and when these opportunities came,... This report stresses that â€Å"education differences have played a big role in turning globalisation opportunities into curse for developing countries†. This is a big issue in developing countries because in these countries, few people are educated and thus cannot take advantage of these opportunities brought about by globalisation. Developing countries also have women who are generally much less educated than their male counterparts. This is unlike in the developed world where the gap between the educated males and females is closing up. This means that women in developing countries will be affected negatively much more than the male counterparts in the same countries because they are less likely to be able to take up the skilled employment opportunities. Globalisation has also helped in boosting the local employment numbers in developing countries through supporting local businesses. This paper makes a conclusion that globalisation has both positive and negative impacts. With regard to the labour market, globalisation has brought both favourable and adverse impacts. However, the negative impacts seem to be outweighing the positive ones and, if not put in check, these negative impacts may end up having a serious implication for the global economy rather than only for the developing world. As a result, it is necessary that the issue of globalisation be looked at seriously and any future problems be solved in order to avoid a negative effect on the global economy.

Portable fun instrument Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Portable fun instrument - Research Paper Example Therefore in this age, it is important for the company to come up with applications for smartphones to remain in market. There are two most commonly used operating systems in smartphones; Android and Apple. Android is the operating system found in different smartphones manufactured by Samsung, LG, HTC and others. However, smartphones of Apple uses its own operating system, iOS. iOS will only run in smartphones and tablets manufactured by Apple. However, android is found in different smartphones and tablets produced by other companies. In order to select which operating system, it is important to know that both these operating systems have their pros and cons. Android allows users to have more flexible applications. However one issue with android is that there are many versions of android available. On the other hand, Apple offers exceptional experience. Retina  display technology has been introduced by Apple and it is the most pixel-rich display on any phone till date. Applications of Apple are more exclusive when compared with android. Moreover, applications of iOS generate more revenue and are sold more. So it depends on what features the company would like to go for. However, as iOS is more exclusive and has more revenue than Android, therefore the company should go for Apple (Yarow). PART 2 The number of smartphone users is increasing and therefore it has become important to come up with an application for smartphone users. Smartphones are no more used by business professionals but people of different ages use smartphones. In order to come up with an application for smartphone, one has to choose from either android or iOS. Therefore it is important to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of these two operating systems. The number of users of Android is increasing and this provides more opportunities for the company. Moreover, there are more applications coming in the market related to Android so this shows the trend of the

Wednesday, October 16, 2019

Impact of Globalisation on the Nature of Work in Developing Countries Essay

Impact of Globalisation on the Nature of Work in Developing Countries - Essay Example negatively much more than the male counterparts in the same countries because they are less likely to be able to take up the skilled employment opportunities. Widening Income Gaps There are other disadvantages which come with globalisation. As globalisation creates employment for the skilled people and takes away the same from those who are not professionally trained, this will continue to widen the income gap and these developing countries will end up without a middle class. A country without a middle class is usually at risk of economic and political instabilities, and this is why the issue of globalisation persists.6 Globalisation will continue to expand the gap between the poor and the rich as the few people in the developed countries who have been rich enough to get an education continue to take the top jobs, either locally or even internationally, and be richer, and the majority who do not have an education continue to be jobless and without income.7 Those poor people will not be capable of educating their children, and the trend will continue. On the other hand, the few who are at the top of the socioeconomic ladder will be able to instruct their children, and this means that the few rich will continue to get richer while the majority poor will continue to be poorer. India’s labour market was one of the first to hugely benefit from globalisation as it was the preferred destination for business process outsourcing. As a result of many western camping in Indian cities looking for educated jobless individuals to do their call centre work, many young and educated men benefited and started earning salaries they could not have dreamt of, especially for a call agent. The problem with this was that not everybody in India is educated and when these opportunities came,... This report stresses that â€Å"education differences have played a big role in turning globalisation opportunities into curse for developing countries†. This is a big issue in developing countries because in these countries, few people are educated and thus cannot take advantage of these opportunities brought about by globalisation. Developing countries also have women who are generally much less educated than their male counterparts. This is unlike in the developed world where the gap between the educated males and females is closing up. This means that women in developing countries will be affected negatively much more than the male counterparts in the same countries because they are less likely to be able to take up the skilled employment opportunities. Globalisation has also helped in boosting the local employment numbers in developing countries through supporting local businesses. This paper makes a conclusion that globalisation has both positive and negative impacts. With regard to the labour market, globalisation has brought both favourable and adverse impacts. However, the negative impacts seem to be outweighing the positive ones and, if not put in check, these negative impacts may end up having a serious implication for the global economy rather than only for the developing world. As a result, it is necessary that the issue of globalisation be looked at seriously and any future problems be solved in order to avoid a negative effect on the global economy.